Perodua Marketing Mix

Perodua Marketing Mix Nowadays, a successful company or organization requires one common characteristic which is determine and provide products or services that customer needed and satisfy them profitably. According to the Chartered Institute of Marketing, marketing is defined as the management process that identifies, anticipates and satisfies customer requirements profitably. In addition, Kotler also defined as the human activity directed as satisfying human needs and wants through an exchange process. In short, we knew that marketing is delivering customer satisfaction at a profit. Perusahaan Otomobil Kedua Sdn Bhd (PERODUA) is the Malaysias second largest automobile manufacturer after Proton. As the competitor of Proton, Perodua mainly manufactures small and compact cars, so Perodua actually does not compete with Proton for the same market. Although Perodua is not as well-known as Proton, but Peroduas cars often catch the sight of Malaysian and achieve high value of sales. Because of the reason above, the author has decided and chosen the Perodua Company as the title of this assignment. In this assignment, the author will discuss about the company background of Perodua, marketing mix variables such as product, price, place and promotion that used by Perodua to achieve high value of sales and some further recommendation for Perodua to improve in the future. 2.0 Company Background 2.1 History of the Company Perusahaan Otomobil Kedua Sdn Bhd, also abbreviated to Perodua, established in 1993. To strengthen up the company, Perodua allies with the Japanese company which includes Daihatsu Motor Co. Ltd, Mitsui Co. Ltd and other. Perodua headquarters is situated on Sungai Choh, Rawang, Selangor and include RD testing laboratories, vehicle test track, manufacturing and engine plant and other. Perodua Auto Corporation Sdn Bhd (PCSB) was set up in 2001 and there are three active groups which is Perodua Sales Sdn Bhd (PSSB) is responsible for sales and marketing Perodua vehicles, Perodua Manufacturing Sdn Bhd (PMSB) is manufacturing Perodua vehicles and Perodua Engine Manufacturing Sdn Bhd (PEMSB) assembles the vehicle engines and selected engine parts. The company began its operations in 1994 and the Perodua Kancil which is small and economical, was the first car introduced to the Malaysian in August of the same year. In the present, Perodua sold more than 400,000 units of Kancil and it is the most successful sales in the record of Perodua. After that, it was replaced by Perodua Kelisa in August 2001. 2.2 Mission Statement Perodua is set to become the biggest compact car manufacturer in the South-East Asia. In order to expand their market, Perodua also exports their cars to Singapore, United Kingdom and few numbers to Brunei, Nepal, Saudi Arabia and other country. In order to become a world class and well-known automobile company, Perodua had drawn out some objective which is professionalism in all their operations, efficiency in utilising technologies and resources, resilience in meeting their challenges, optimising benefits to customers and stakeholders, dedication towards social responsibility to community, the environment and development of competent workforce, uniqueness in their products and aspiration to glorify the name of Perodua. 2.3 Current Product Perodua established in 1993 and launched their first compact car, Perodua Kancil (Rusa) in August 1994. After achieved the amazing sales record, Perodua were more confident to roll out the cars. At the end of 2009, Perodua has sold more than 1.5 million units of numerous models cars, for examples, Perodua Kembara in August 1998, Perodua Kenari in June 2000, Perodua Kelisa in August 2001, Perodua Myvi in May 2005, Perodua Viva in May 2007, Perodua Nautica 4WD in May 2008 and Perodua Alza in November 2009. Perodua Viva is a city car that manufactured by Perodua since May 2007 and it is the replacement of Perodua Kancil and Kelisa which is discontinued. All Perodua Viva models implanted Daihatsu DVVT engines, dual airbag and ABS only available for premium version. The Perodua Viva has six models which are 660EX, 850EX, 1.0SX, 1.0SXi, 10EZ and 1.0EZi. Perodua Myvi was produced by Perodua since May 2005, based on the Daihatsu Sirion/Boon and Toyota Passo. The cooperation with Daihatsu and Toyota makes Myvi is the bestselling car for 2006 until 2009 in Malaysia. Perodua Myvi embedded with two water-cooler, four-stroke engines, and electronic fuel injection, able to boost up to 106mph. The Perodua Myvi SE also built with CD player, USB and leather seats to provide comfortable rides. Perodua Alza is the first multi-purpose vehicle (MPV) that produced by Perodua, and available for booking in March 2010. The most attractive feature is the 7 seats and the second row seats are designed to slide forward and back to allow the flexibility. The air-conditioning also be redesigned to improve the air circulation. In the car entertainment, Perodua has integrated door-mount speakers, MP3 and WMA compatible CD player and steering mounted controls. 3.0 Definition of marketing mix When you bring up a product or service to the market, you certainly will consider some of the choices and options. The marketing mix is the most popular marketing term, it is also the general phrase used to explain the different kinds of choices that organizations have to make in the process of bringing a product and service to market. This chapter will discuss the definition of marketing mix and its elements. In the early 1950, Neil Borden defined the marketing mix as an integrated set of marketing strategies to realise organizational objectives and create higher value relationship with customers. In the late 1950, Jerome McCarthy, a prominent marketer, concluded the variables of marketing mix into four elements which is product, price, promotion, and place. According to the Marketing Principles and Perspective by William O. Bearden, the most common definition of marketing mix is the overall marketing offer to appeal to the target market. It consists of decisions in four basic areas which is product, pricing, integrated marketing communication and distribution. Nowadays, there is a new definition of the marketing mix and Neil H. Borden in 1965 increase the marketing mix to seven areas, which contain people, physical evidence and process. The most interesting thing is some people think that four Ps are out-dated and suggest a customer-oriented model which is four Cs, including customer needs, convenience, cost to user and communication. 4.0 Marketing Mix Variables 4.1 Product Rendering to the Marketing Edition 6, product was defined as anything that can be offered to a market for attention, use or consumption that might satisfy a want or need. Product can be divided into two categories, which are tangible or intangible. Tangible product is physical object that customers can actually touch, such as a motor. An intangible product is a service based product that cannot be touched, such as car repair. Presently, Perodua has launched various products that can satisfy everyone from different social classes. For examples, Perodua has released Perodua ViVa 660cc for those people that require low performance and economical, Perodua Myvi 1000cc for middle-class people and Perodua Alza 1500cc that suitable for high-performance user and families. Besides that, Perodua also provides different colours in same model. For examples, Perodua Myvi is available in Ebony Black and Classic Gold for classic lovers, Olive Green and Mocha Silver for natural lovers, Glittering Silver and Oozy Orange for those who wants extraordinary and unique colour. 4.2 Price Price is the amount money charged for products or services that customers exchange for the benefit of having or using the product or service. Perodua has implanted different price to various models of cars. For instances, Perodua ViVa 660cc only costs about twenty five thousands, moreover, Perodua Myvi costs about forty thousands and Perodua Alza costs about fifty five thousands. Perodua also provide several types of payment method to benefit everyone. For examples, Perodua accepts credit card payment for the deposit, cheque and bank transfer also acceptable to replace cash as a safe method. Perodua also provide car loan with 3.5% to 4% interest from 5 to 9 years, you only need to pay hundreds ringgits as the instalment. 4.3 Place Place represents the location when the product and service can be purchased. A more detail definition about place is making goods and services available in the right quantities and locations when customers want them. When different target markets have different needs, a number of place variations may be changed. Thus, there are two categories which are urban areas and suburban areas. Perodua targets most of its sales, service and showrooms on the urban areas because of high population. For instances, Perodua manufacturing and engine manufacturing Sdn Bhd is situated on rawang, meanwhile Perodua Sales and Service Centres are mainly located on Kuala Lumpur, Petaling Jaya, Shah Alam and other. Besides that, Perodua also locates minor sales and services centres on the north and south Malaysia, such as Johor Bahru, Butterworth, Perai and Alor Setar. [1] 4.4 Promotion Promotion is a communication process that builds and maintains favourable relationships by persuading publics to accept its products and services. Publics can be individuals and organizations that have interest in the business. Thus, there are various types of promotion, such as personal selling, sales promotion, advertising and public relations. Perodua Sales and Services Centres provide well trained sales staffs and promoters to sell their vehicles and provide information to the individuals. To achieve their sales target, Perodua also is having sales promotion, such as discount up to RM 2000, free gift as sterling lock and touch and go card. Perodua also offer 1-hour super services and extended warranty programme to benefit the customers. Besides that, Perodua often advertises their products in different types of media such as television, internet, and billboard. Perodua advertises a lot in TV commercial especially during public holiday such as National Day, Chinese New Year, Deepavali, and Hari Raya Puasa. Moreover, Perodua also cooperates with bank as the finance and insurance partners to promote their products. 5.0 Further Recommendation Nowadays, global warming issue is becoming more and more serious. In my opinion, Perodua can improve their products under this critical issue. Perodua can implant the latest automobile technology to produce safer, energy efficient, and less polluting cars. For examples, to correspond the rising petrol prices, Perodua can research and develop energy saver, battery electric and hybrid vehicles. Besides that, Perodua also can replace the steel casing of the car to aluminium or carbon fibre, this method will increase the lightness and strength. In addition, Perodua can stimulate the sales by having contest, rebates, premiums, and low interest. For examples, Perodua can offer rebate to those who trade in their old car. Perodua also can work with the bank to lower the interest of loan so that low income people can purchase the car. 6.0 Conclusion In conclusion, the marketing mix that includes product, price, place and promotion, is very importance in any company or organization to achieve their targets and objectives. The most obvious evidence is when the end of year, companies comes up with their tremendous net profits. Thus, marketing is the integral part of the economy. The first importance of marketing mix is that customers can get the opportunity to know about various products that are available in the market. The marketing mix also helps us to introduce the uniqueness of your company and product. Marketing mix also create a healthy competition among companies and increase their level and quality. Meanwhile, consumers are able to enjoy the better product and service with a low price. In other words, marketing mix generates many companies, either directly and indirectly, such as advertising, broadcasting, newspapers, and other companies. Finally, the most importance value of marketing mix is to build a balanced market, avoid dominant companies to control the prices and establish monopoly over the product and service.

Trespass

TRESPASS TO THE PERSON Aims of Lectures: * OVERVIEW OF THE TORTS COVERING TRESPASS TO THE PERSON * DEFENCES TO TRESPASS TO THE PERSON * ALTHOUGH NOT A PART OF TRESPASS TO THE PERSON WE WILL ALSO ASSESS THE RULE IN WILKINSON V DOWNTON 1. OVERVIEW The aim/s of these torts: Protection from personal interference / protects your bodily integrity and your liberty. The trespass torts are actionable per se (there is no need to prove damage). A trespass to the person may well also be a CRIME and criminal law cases can be helpful but please note that a CIVIL action is designed to achieve a different objective i. . to vindicate your right / claim damages or to prove a point (Halford v Brookes [1991] 1 WLR 428). For a recent case against the police see: ZH v Commissioner of Police [2012] EWHC 604 involving a 16 year old autistic teenager at a swimming pool: http://www. judiciary. gov. uk/Resources/JCO/Documents/Judgments/zh-v-commissioner-of-police. pdf There are three forms of trespass to the p erson: A. ASSAULT B. BATTERY C. FALSE IMPRISONMENT PLEASE NOTE THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN TRESPASS AND NEGLIGENCE: Trespass is DIRECT and INTENTIONAL. Negligence is INDIRECT and UNINTENTIONAL. Letang v Cooper [1965] 1 QB 232Wilson v Pringle [1986] 2 ALL ER 440 A. ASSAULT â€Å"An assault is an act which causes another person to apprehend the infliction of immediate, unlawful, force on his person. † Robert Goff LJ in Collins v Wilcock [1984] 1 WLR 1172, at 1177 PLEASE NOTE: DIRECTNESS IS ALSO IMPORTANT In everyday language people use the term assault to also describe battery (see below). We will observe the strict legal distinction. Case Law Examples: Hopper v Reeve (1817) 7 Taunt 69 Purcell v Horn (1838) 8 A and E 602 Osborne v Veitch (1858) 1 F and F 317 Tuberville v Savage (1669) 1 Mod 3 Stephens v Myers (1830) 4 C and P 349Thomas v NUM [1985] 2 All ER 1 Darwish v EgyptAir [2006] EWHC 1399 (QB) DPP v Smith [2006] EWHC 94 (Admin) CAN WORDS OR EVEN SILENCE CONSTITUTE AN ASSAULT? R v Meade (1823) 1 Lew CC 184 R v Wilson [1955] 1 WLR R v Ireland [1997] 3 WLR 534 B. BATTERY â€Å"A battery is the actual infliction of unlawful force on another person. † Robert Goff LJ in Collins v Wilcock [1984] 1 WLR 1172, at 1177 PLEASE NOTE (AGAIN): DIRECTNESS IS IMPORTANT IN BATTERY Case Law Examples: Nash v Sheen [1953] CLY 3726 Dodwell v Burford (1670) 1 Mod 24 Haystead v DPP The Times, 2 June 2000, [2000]3 All ER 890DPP v Smith [2006] EWHC 94 (Admin) What constitutes a battery and must the force used be HOSTILE? Cole v Turner (1704) 6 Mod 149 Collins v Wilcock [1984] 1 WLR 1172 Wilson v Pringle [1987] QB 237 F v West Berkshire HA [1989] 2 All ER 545 Wainwright and other v Home Office [2003] UKHL 53 C. FALSE IMPRISONMENT â€Å"Another form of trespass to the person is false imprisonment, which is the unlawful imposition of constraint upon another's freedom of movement from a particular place. † Robert Goff LJ in Collins v Wilcock [1984] 1 WLR 1172, at 1177 T his tort relates to our freedom to move around unhindered.For an alternative definition see Street on Torts (below): â€Å"The trespass rather inadequately known as false imprisonment may be defined as an act of the defendant which directly and intentionally or negligently causes the confinement of the plaintiff within an area delimited by the defendant. † Please note the Human Rights Interface re’ Article 5 of the ECHR (incorporated into UK law by virtue of the Human Rights Act 1998): Austin v Commissioner of Police for the Metropolis [2009] 1 AC 564 Case law and principles on False Imprisonment – Liability is strict and the false imprisonment can result from a mistake (i. . be negligent): R v Governor of Brockhill Prison, ex p Evans (No. 2) [2001] 2 AC 19, HL – The restraint MUST be TOTAL i. e. COMPLETE Bird v Jones (1845) 7 Q. B. 742. – It is unnecessary to show the claimant knew of the imprisonment. It is a question of fact as to whether there is total restraint imposed: Meering v Grahame-White Aviation Co. Ltd (1920) 122 LT 44 Herring v Boyle (1834) 1 Cr M and R 377. Murray v Ministry of Defence [1988] 2 All ER 251. R v Bournewood [1998] 3 All ER 289 See further Williams (1991) 54 MLR 408,411 2. DEFENCES (a) ConsentSidaway v Bethlem Royal Hospital Governors [1985] 1 All ER 643 Chester v Afshar [2002] 3 All ER 552 Gillick v West Norfolk and Wisbech AHA [1986] AC 112 R (on the application of Sue Axon (Claimant) v Secretary of State for Health (Defendant) [2006] EWHC 372 (Admin). Re R [1991] 4 All ER 177 Re W [1992] 4 All ER 627 Re B [1981] 1 WLR 1421 Re M (Child Refusal of Treatment) [1999] 2 FCR 577 (b) Necessity F v West Berkshire HA [1989] 2 All ER 545 Re A (Children) (Conjoined Twins: Surgical Separation) [2001] Fam. 147. (c) Self defence Revill v Newbury [1996] 1 All ER 291 Cross v Kirby (2000) The Times, 5th April, CA 1) James Ashley (Junior) (2) James Ashley (Senior) v Chief Constable of Sussex [2006] EWCA Civ 1085, [2008] UKHL 25 (d) Contributory negligence Revill v Newbury [1996] 1 All ER 291 (e) Ex turpi causa Revill v Newbury [1996] 1 All ER 291 (g) Statutory authority PACE 1984 as amended 3. The rule in WILKINSON V DOWNTON [1897] 2 QB 57 The principle is quite well established and helps fill a gap where the harm is caused INTENTIONALLY but INDIRECTLY. The Case Facts The defendant told the claimant that her husband had been seriously injured in an accident. This was untrue, but was intended as a ‘joke’. The laimant suffered nervous shock. Wright J. held the defendant liable because he had wilfully done an act calculated to cause physical harm to the claimant, i. e. , to infringe her legal right to personal safety, and had thereby caused physical harm. Since the defendant’s act was obviously intended to produce some effect of the kind that it did cause, an intention to produce the harm was imputed to the defendant, and it was no answer to say more harm was done than anti cipated. The problem with treating this as either an assault or a battery is that the harm is indirect and there is no application, or threat, of force.Janvier v Sweeney [1919] 2 KB 316 Khorasandjian v Bush [1993] 3 WLR 476 Wong v Parkside Health NHS Trust [2001] EWCA Civ 1721 W v Home Office [2001] EWCA Civ 2081 Wainwright and Others v Home Office [2003] UKHL 53 The Wainwright case in the House of Lords is now the leading case on Wilkinson v Downton. The case involved prison strip searching of visitors. Per Lord Hoffmann: â€Å"I am†¦in complete agreement with Buxton LJ at [2002] QB 1334, 1355-1356, paras 67-72, that Wilkinson v Downton has nothing to do with trespass to the person. † 4. REMEDIES FOR TRESPASS TO PERSON Damages Injunction Habeas Corpus (for false imprisonment)

Observation Report Essay

On the 7th of March 2013, I visited the Kogarah Court House for two hours. During this time period, I became particularly aware of the court’s role, purpose and place within the Australian legal hierarchy of courts rules and boundaries, set by adults and peers alike, that the children often encounter when attempting to frame their interactions in an acceptable way. To simply walk up to a group of children and ask them to play in a friendly manner represents only a miniscule factor of social development. As a child interacts, he or she must learn to interpret a wide variety of complex cues and requirements. Problems arise when separate requirements conflict with one another or with the child’s own perceived needs and, at times, it is difficult for the child to understand that these requirements even exist! The internalization of formal rules is one facet of social development to which adults assign great significance. Indeed, noncompliance is the â€Å"most frequent reason for psychiatric referral of young children† (Schaffer, 1999, p. 250). Self-control is important, of course. â€Å"Adults play a crucial part in helping children to achieve control over their own behavior; it is only through initial dependence on others that a child can develop autonomy† (Schaffer, 1999, p. 249). What many adults tend to overlook, however, is that children are sometimes trying to operate within several different â€Å"realities,† each of which sets forth an entirely different set of rules. For example, Turiel (cited in Schaffer, 1996, p. 268) notes that the requirements set forth by the family differ significantly from the requirements set forth in the â€Å"outside world.† Similarly, the objectives of the adults on the playground are very different from the objectives of one’s cohorts, and the child must find a way to interact that satisfies the rules delineated by both groups if he is to function successfully. Finally, the child must also learn the appropriate ways to meet his or her own needs. Thus, the process of moral development is far more complex than memorizing simple phrases such as â€Å"do this† and â€Å"don’t do that.† Several attempts have been made to construct a model that tracks the moral development of children. In this paper, I have found the work of Piaget, and Kohlberg to be the most useful references to explain the observations I made on Woodward’s playground. In some way, each of their theories assumes that moral development follows a pattern in which the child progresses from fulfilling the needs of the self to fulfilling the needs of the whole. It is important to note, however, that, like any form of development, the internalization of rules does not occur in a rigid, homogeneous pattern. I witnessed displays of egocentrism in children who, according to Piaget, should have moved well into the third stage of moral development by then. The concept of â€Å"soft assembly† (Thelen, 1994, p. 30) in the dynamic systems perspective provides a much better format for the progression of moral development. According to the dynamic systems perspective, there is no predetermined outcome. Rather, certain innate possibilities, such as the potential for various types of moral reasoning, that lay within the child are assembled in a malleable configuration when the environment for such growth is provided. A pattern of behavior emerges as the self-organizaition continues, becoming more and more stable over time (Thelen, 1994, pp. 30-31). In the example of moral reasoning, the child, recalling memories from each stage in his or her life, attempts to create a sensible â€Å"pattern† from these experiences. It is this pattern that leads to the internalization of a belief system, the belief that â€Å"this† is the way things â€Å"ought to be,† and therefore, this is what I â€Å"should† do in this situation. Everyone has a unique life experience. Therefore, it makes sense that some children may have had more opportunity than others to expand their realm of self-awareness into the more complete awareness of the whole. In this paper, I will explore different aspects of several experiences that I had with the children, attempting to make sense of their moral interpretations of each situation. I will use the theories of Piaget, Kohlberg, and Eisenberg to provide a loose context for their behavior, with the understanding that each child is different, and may not fit the profile set forth by each theory in other situations. On the playground, the children do not know that they are learning. Their behavior is, for the most part, purely spontaneous, and, sometimes, they happen upon a new form of successful interaction quite by accident. It is then up to them to remember this behavior, and to utilize it in future situations. * To protect their identities, fictitious names have been given to all children mentioned in this report. Observations Monday, April 16, 2001 Immediately upon entering the playground setting, I became engaged in an opportunity to define a rule for a group of children and apply its importance to a greater context. The discussion took place between myself and three little girls who were enthralled by my necklaces. The necklaces, I told them, came from my grandmother, and so they were pretty special to me. I then took the necklaces off to give them a closer look, and offered to let them wear one each for the duration of recess. I made it clear, however, that I needed them back at the end of the play period, assuming that they would understand that this deal was non-negotiable. The girls wanted to keep the necklaces for themselves, however, and seemed unable to comprehend that I had set this boundary because I had a â€Å"greater motivation† (i.e. I did not want to keep the necklaces simply because I liked them and was being â€Å"selfish,† but because they were from my grandmother and therefore had sentimental value). Instead, they were more focused on the immediate, tangible evidence, which to them implied that I should be more thoughtful of their needs. â€Å"Why should you get to keep all of them?† one of them asked me. I had several necklaces, they went on to explain, so why couldn’t I just give each of them one of mine and keep one for myself? When that didn’t work, they tried to show me how similar the necklaces were—I could give them that one and keep the one that looked just like it. When I held my ground, they resorted to bargaining: if they could make it all the way across the monkey bars, then would I consider relinquishing the jewelry? At this point I reminded them that gifts from relatives were very important to people, and that my grandmother would be hurt if she knew that I sometimes gave away the presents that she had given to me. I asked them how they would feel if somebody wanted to take a gift from their grandmothers. I also stressed that I had explained the conditions before I took the jewelry off. After this explanation, they seemed to be more thoughtful, and willing to accept the limitations of our agreement. At the end of the play period, each of them willingly sought me out and gave the necklaces back, asking if they could wear them again next time. Without guidance, these girls evidently operated within Kohlberg’s second stage of moral understanding, the instrumental purpose orientation. At this stage, children are able to understand individualized needs, but believe that each individual should and will act in his/her own best interest (Kohlberg, 1969, cited in Berk, 2000, p. 493). Accordingly, the girls formed the belief that they deserved to have the necklaces based on their personal desires, and believed that my desire to keep the necklaces were purely based on self-interest as well. This level of thinking coincides nicely with the â€Å"needs of others† orientation, which is the second stage in Eisenberg’s levels of prosocial reasoning. Without my guidance, they displayed limited perspective-taking skills, as they were unable to conclude on their own that I might want to keep the necklaces because they were a gift. Their interest was more focused on the concrete, material desire (Eisenberg, 1982, cited in Berk, 2000, p. 493). Once I pointed out that my grandmother would be hurt and discussed how they might feel if they were in my position, they were able to take a more empathetic perspective on the situation. In this situation, the girl’s thinking process coincided more effectively with Eisenberg’s level of empathetic orientation (Eisenberg, cited in Berk, 2000, p. 505), as Eisenberg was less concerned more with an empathetic understanding of rules than Kohlberg, who is more oriented toward a utilitarian ethical structure that focuses on punishment, authority, and the needs of society (Berk, 2000, p. 505). With my reminder, they were able to reflect hypothetically upon the situation and understand how they would feel if they were either in my situation, or my grandmother’s. While it is helpful to classify the children’s level of moral reasoning in order to understand that a progression did take place with the proper instruction, it is more important to understand that a child’s moral development is just that: a progression. With their life experience, the girls were not yet able to instantly consider how another person would feel, and based their demand on their immediate need. Here, the theory of soft assembly comes into play. They would be able to take this experience and apply it in the future, incorporating more and more experience into their moral development. Selman (1980) indirectly supports the theory of soft assembly through his model of children’s stages of empathy, by postulating that children begin upon the path to empathy by understanding the views of others as being highly individualized and flexible. Later, as their ability to think in more abstract terms develops, and as their experiences accumulate, they begin to consider the views of others simultaneously (Selman, 1980, cited in Schaffer, 1996, p. 173). Although the fact that they were unable to advance right away is partially due to their lack of sufficient cognitive development, empathetic reasoning is also hindered by lack of experience, and a sufficient â€Å"template† of the circumstances of others. I provided this template by describing my feelings and my grandmothers feelings, connecting both of our individual sentiments to the overall concept of sentimental value. When I reminded them to reflect upon â€Å"how they would feel,† they considered their own varied assortment of life experiences and applied certain experiences to the concept I had just explained, and were more capable of understanding why I had placed this limitation on their use of the necklaces. With clear and positive guidance, these third graders demonstrated that they were capable of developing a sense of empathy and understanding a standard in the spirit of its application, but only when they were provided with the opportunity to think about their actions. In order to facilitate this development, the authority figure can use several techniques. Each can have a different impact upon the way that a child processes information, and therefore each can lead to a different outcome in the development of a moral code. Hoffman (1977) hypothesizes that authority figures use three methods of discipline to show children the nature of their â€Å"moral mistakes:† love-oriented discipline (if you do/don’t do this, my opinion of you will be enhanced/lessened), power-assertive discipline (do/don’t do it because I said so), and inductive discipline (do/don’t do it for this reason) (cited in Schaffer, 2000, pp. 305-306). Hoffman’s research has shown that inductive discipline is usually the most effective, because it not only explains the rules, but also appeals to the child’s own emotions (Hoffman & Salzstein, 1967, cited in Schaffer, 2000, p. 306). This was the technique that I used, and it did indeed prove to be effective. Through this exchange, one can see the connection with the dialogue between the authority figure and the child described by Schaffer. With patience, the adult uses the child’s questions to provide feedback about important details in everyday life, and to establish and negotiate rules and boundaries (Schaffer, 1996, p. 261). I used the girl’s questions to talk about the relationship between grandparents and grandchildren, and the nature of giving gifts. By the end of the conversation, the little girls had a slightly deeper understanding of the concept of â€Å"sentimental value.† Thursday, April 19, 2000 Hoffman has found that, while most parents tend to use one of the three techniques more often than the others, parents usually end up using some combination of all three in order to gain compliance from their children emotions (Hoffman & Salzstein, 1967, cited in Schaffer, 2000, p. 306). I found that, in order to effectively maintain control over a larger group of children, I sometimes assumed the role of the enforcer, using power-assertive discipline along with inductive discipline. The first incident that illustrated this combination of techniques involved a small group of boys, both in the third or fourth grade, who were threatening to jump off of the swings. I told them that this might not be such a good idea, because, I explained, they seemed to be able to swing very high. They talked back, claiming that they would, and I told them that if they did, they would have to sit with me for the rest of the period. This assertion seemed to have the desired impact. The boys decided not to jump off of the swings. Later, however, it became apparent that my more authoritative instruction failed to instill a true sense of â€Å"playing safely on the playground.† This was illustrated five minutes later, when I turned around and saw that the boys were challenging the other children to walk between the swings without getting hit. Once again I informed them that their behavior was unsafe, but they continued to play in this manner until I stepped into the area between and physically stopped the swinging. â€Å"If you can’t play safely,† I told them, â€Å"You can’t play.† By assuming a more authoritative role, I was responding to two aspects of the situation. First of all, their behavior was dangerous, and there was a very real chance that one of the children running between the swings could have gotten hit at any moment. Secondly, these boys were responding in a very confident manner, and acting assertively was the only way I could get their attention. Actively stopping the swinging by itself without providing an explanation would have been a purely power-assertive role, however, because I provided the boys with feedback for why I was doing this (they were not playing safely and somebody could have been seriously injured) I was also using inductive discipline. However, there were drawbacks to my reaction, and, while it did keep them safe for the moment, power assertion is not the best way to instill an autonomous reaction to a rule. The rule came from the â€Å"outside,† and (fortunately) they were unable to witness the consequences of their actions. Piaget argues that the best way for children to obtain his highest stage of moral understanding, moral subjectivism, in which children recognize that rules are â€Å"arbitrary agreements† that are sometimes based on motivation, is to interact with their peers. He believed that â€Å"cognitive conflict,† which is the most powerful motivating factor in provoking change, can be caused most easily by â€Å"interpersonal conflict† (Piaget, 1932, cited in Schaffer, 1996, pp. 292-293). It is difficult for interpersonal conflict to emerge in a vertical relationship between a child and an adult, the one-way interaction wherein the adult sets aside his/her own needs in order to meet the needs of the child. In a horizontal relationship, however, which takes place between peers, reciprocal behavior is demanded by both parties, and conflict can easily begin if one party feels that his/her needs are not being met (as cited by Tan, 2001). It was not until I became involved in a more structured game, where adult rules were consistent and obvious, and the interactions of the children were cooperative and directed at meeting a wide variety of goals, that I was able to observe the scope of the variables in moral development. I also was able to compare the more flexible nature of the informal rules that emerge within a group of children without direct adult feedback. Thursday, April 26, 2001 The game that allowed such a rich opportunity for observation is called â€Å"Pom Pom Pull- Away,† and it is usually run by Mary, one of the head playground supervisors. The formal rules are quite simple: players run across the soccer field in order to avoid being tagged by the players who are â€Å"it.† The â€Å"its† are accumulated until one runner is left out. This runner then gets to choose whether or not he wants to be it for the next round. This game, I have found, is the most efficient way to observe the children’s behavior on their own terms, in â€Å"their world,† according to their own laws of social functioning. When the game runs smoothly, Mary and I are merely there to ensure that the game proceeds at a quick pace, and that the â€Å"chaos† remains ordered. The kids in this group are fourth graders, and they seem to be quite competent at following the simple structure of the game. According to Piaget, children of this age have generally entered what he calls the â€Å"cooperation stage† of the application of rules. At this age, winning is still the primary goal of playing the game, but by now the children have developed a â€Å"sense of mutual control, unification of rules, and agreement within a game† (Piaget, 1932, cited in Singer & Revenson, 1996, p. 99). The children tend to be â€Å"hyper-conscious† of the rules, and are quick to point out the mistakes of their teammates. Usually they try to direct Mary’s or my attention to the actions of the â€Å"culprit.† 9 Although their censure usually coincides with an action that has negatively affected their own performance in the game, their awareness demonstrates that they are beginning to internalize the need for the rules, and most of them understand that the rules do not merely exist because the adults â€Å"said so.† I am more interested, however, in the kids’ set of rules; they have their own â€Å"code.† Piaget accounts for this in his stages, stating that children at this level often retain individual interpretations of the rules (Piaget, 1932, cited in Singer & Revenson, 1996, p. 99). During the course of the game, it also became apparent that they had a separate understanding of the purpose of the game from the adults. Mary mentioned that she has them play this cooperative game because it helped them to function better as a group, and since they had started it she had noticed a significant improvement in their cooperative behavior at lunchtime. The children themselves, however, seem to play the game for various other reasons, especially status. The game becomes an excellent opportunity for the child to view his or her own behavior compared to other members of the group, and, generally, there is a firm consensus about what is acceptable to the group and what isn’t. For example, whiny or pouting behavior is tolerated far more easily by the adults than by the children, whereas, interestingly enough, the children seem to have a higher tolerance for aggression, unless it is directed at them. For example, I observed several particularly â€Å"rough† tags during the course of the game, but only the children at whom the aggression was directed would respond. However, when children resisted assuming the position of â€Å"it,† (and they often did) I would frequently hear comments from his/her peers such as â€Å"You are holding up the game!† Conversely, Mary and I are more likely to stop aggression, and we are far more sympathetic to tired or frustrated children, reminding them frequently that it is ok to take the option of resting on the side of the field. Nevertheless, it seems to be far more detrimental to one’s social status to break the code set forth by the children themselves than it is to break the rules set forth by the adults! This â€Å"code† is far more intrinsic in their behavior; it is simply expected that their standards (such as bravery or stoicism) will automatically be known. This higher expectation could be because they have yet to understand the situational nature of behavior—as stated before, â€Å"rules† are still rather rigid and universal before Piaget’s stage of moral subjectivism is reached. Also, the rules set forth by the adults represent a convention that shifts from situation to situation; the teachers in the classroom hold different expectations from Mary on the playground. However, at Woodward, the children’s group always remains the same—the same class has the same playground hours. Thus, they have more of an opportunity to observe one another, and they establish a more consistent code, which I will call the â€Å"code of social morality.† This code is intrinsic enough to be consistent with Turiel’s definition of convention versus morality, as described by Schaffer: â€Å". . . children learn to make the distinction between these two categories from a quite early age because of the different types of social interaction that they involve. Conventions are dogmatically taught, being handed down by authority. Initially, they may be regarded as universal; it does not take long, however, before children realize that the done thing in one’s own family is not necessarily the done thing in any other family. Moral principles, on the other hand, are acquired because children perceive that certain actions have consequences for other people that are intrinsically harmful: witnessing a younger child being hit is sufficient to show that such an act, in whatever social context, is undesirable. Thus children begin to construct two quite different domains of knowledge about the social world and its functioning† (Turiel, 1983, cited in Schaffer, 1996, p. 268). In this quote, the teachers play the role of the â€Å"family,† and the playground assumes the role of the â€Å"real world.† Here, the children have the opportunity to witness the actions that are intrinsically harmful within the social needs of their age group. Because they are less closely supervised on the playground, they are more likely to â€Å"be themselves,† and witness the consequences of their behavior firsthand. And, because status is so important, the requirements of the adults naturally become a second priority. One boy grew particularly angry at his peers during a hiatus in the game and a shoving match began. Later, I saw two children collide, and their immediate response was to ask one another if they were all right. Positive and negative responses such as these occur without any adult intervention, and it is the social outcome of these behaviors that catalyze the child’s formulation of a moral theory. Friday, May 11, 2001 Frequently, the children search for ways to â€Å"bend† the adult rules in order to advance their status. Most of the time, in this game, the key to status is to be tagged last, proving that they are faster and better athletes than their peers. Others resort to other methods, such â€Å"playing tricks.† This is usually amusing to the adults as well as the kids. They are permitted to take breaks that last one round, sitting on the sidelines when they get too hot or too tired. Several of the boys, however, simply began to walk across the field one day, stating that they could not be tagged because they were â€Å"on break.† For them, this was merely a strategy that would help them to avoid being tagged until they reached the other side of the field, at which point they would call â€Å"time in† again. When I reminded them that breaks could only be taken on the sidelines, they claimed that the rules stated that breaks had to be taken by walking across the field. I understood that this was not the case, and another supervisor supported me. At this point the boys laughed, and began to run again. It is amusing to fool the adults and their peers, and none of the children would ever label their own behavior as â€Å"cheating.† They are quick to recognize it in others when it interferes with their efficacy in the game, but they do not seem to realize that these rules can be applied to themselves as well. When they are labeled as â€Å"cheaters,† they will in fact say almost anything to defend their behavior, demonstrating that, while children of this age are just learning to understand the actual value of the rules as they apply to the group, they are simultaneously learning to view themselves as playing a functional role within this group. Although the boys were â€Å"breaking the rules,† Schaffer reminds us not to become worried by some demonstrations of noncompliance. Through simple tricks such as these, the boys were developing â€Å"social skills and strategies to express their autonomy in a socially acceptable way† (Kuczynski, Kochanska, Radke-Yarrow, and Girnius-Brown, 1987, cited in Schaffer, 2000, p. 251). They were tired, but they did not want to be removed from the game, and it was perceived as being more socially acceptable by their peers to walk across the field rather than to sit down. Furthermore, it is completely understandable that they would still demonstrate some egocentrism by believing that  the rules apply to others and not to themselves, for they are still forming their identities in a group context. Schaffer cites a study by Hartshorne and May (1928-1930) that found that children’s tendency to lie fluctuates depending on the situation with which they are confronted, and that a child’s tendency to lie is therefore not an innate characteristic (Schaffer, 2000, p. 301). It seems that, when children engage in behaviors such as bending the rules, they are in fact testing socially acceptable boundaries. Monday, May 14, 2001 I observed the most obvious struggle for status in a child whom I will call Justin (not the child’s real name). He did not seem to be as athletic as the other children, and many times he would accidentally collide with somebody, or trip, and then burst into tears. After falling, he would often blame the other child for his misfortune, and at times making an appeal to authority, telling me that he had been singled out by his peers, once more, as an object of their aggression. Early in the game, I observed that this was not the case; that the falls were all accidents, and Justin’s reactive behavior might be exacerbating his social situation. After one particularly bad episode, I decided to talk to Justin. As he collected himself, he began to tell me how he felt. He claimed that â€Å"Nobody ever left him for last,† meaning that he felt that his teammates were singling him out personally to tag first. Here, he demonstrated that he had a more egocentric interpretation of the social code. Like a younger child in Piaget’s egocentric stage of moral interpretation, his concept of rules was flexible, indefinite, and tailored to fit his individual needs (cited in Singer & Revenson, 1996, p. 98). At this particular moment, he firmly believed that one of the implied rules of the game was that he, as an individual, should not be tagged so often, even though, to an adult, it would seem that he did not get tagged any more often then the other children. This slight difference in maturity also affected his perception of the â€Å"social code,† and he eventually developed a tendency to rely upon me to enforce his current interpretation of the rules. For example, when we returned to the game, he expected that I would tell the other children that it was his turn to be â€Å"it.† According to Piaget, write Singer & Revenson, in the egocentric stage of social development, â€Å"[children] feel a communion with the abstract, ideal adult who epitomizes fairness and justice, but at the same time they may be inventing their own rules throughout the game† (1996, p. 98). Justin clearly hoped that I would intervene when it seemed that his peers were not treating him according to his perception of fairness, even though this perception would alter to fit the current situation. His style of interaction with me also often assumed the form of a â€Å"monologue,† which is Piaget’s stage of language development that coincides with the egocentric stage of rule development (cited in Singer & Revenson, 1996, p. 98). In the collective monologue, a group of children play together and speak, but the speech is often unrelated to what the others are saying or doing, and the purpose is rarely to exchange real information (cited in Singer & Revenson, 1996, p. 60). This immature style of communication may inhibit a child’s ability to communicate with more mature peers, limiting his or her opportunity to absorb the â€Å"code† set forth by the group. Shortly before Justin and I returned to the game, I tried to encourage Justin by stating that â€Å"everybody has different talents,† and that â€Å"some people are better at sports than others.† He comprehended my implication, and stated that he was good at playing tic-tac-toe. However, he then attempted to show me how to play the game by drawing in the dirt, when I needed to be with the other children, because the other playground supervisor had gone in. He did not seem to notice that I needed to be interacting with the other children, and showed little interest in the bigger game until he realized that he now had an opportunity to be â€Å"it.† â€Å"I want to be ‘it,’† he told me, but made no further comment when the other children protested. He simply looked at me and was apparently waiting for a response. Here, he relied heavily on our vertical relationship to ensure that he would be treated fairly. For him, it was perfectly natural to put the game â€Å"on hold† while he showed me his skill, and to expect me to help him to assume a leading role once he was finished. Unfortunately, this perception did not coincide with that of his peers, and Justin experienced even more trouble with acceptance as the game progressed. Later on, Justin did tag one of the bigger boys. This particular child, Alex, often displays reactive tendencies as well, but is far more athletic, and generally it seems that the other children leave him alone. I happened to be watching Justin, and thus happened to witness Alex’s immediate reaction as well. Immediately he turned around and leaned over Justin, who was a good head shorter than he. His eyes were wide and his expression was angry, and it seemed to me as though he was ready to push the smaller child. I yelled Alex’s name and told him that this action was not acceptable, that Justin had tagged him â€Å"fair and square.† This diffused the immediate conflict. Alex, however, continued to insist that Justin â€Å"always went after him,† and that â€Å"it wasn’t fair.† Once again, this illustrates how children have the egocentric tendency to alter their own rules to fit their needs during the course of a game. Alex did not want to be â€Å"it† anymore, and so he felt that he was justified in blaming Justin for tagging him â€Å"all of the time† so that he would not have to be. Perhaps he selected Justin because his peers were biased against Justin at the time, and would be more likely to accept his assertion that â€Å"Justin was acting out again.† In this instance, the â€Å"understood rules,† the intense desire for â€Å"fairness† that so often dominates the game, could have very well developed into a bully/victim dynamic should this aggressive pattern have been allowed to continue. However, in this early stage of the interaction, it was clear that Alex’s behavior was largely due to his perception of Justin’s intent. In late childhood, asserts Schaffer, children are more likely to link their behavior to the motivations of others (1996, p. 280). Alex also displayed some egocentric behavior, however. His actions, in this instance, can be linked to Kohlberg’s stages of moral understanding. By stating that Justin â€Å"always went after him,† he assumed that Justin (and probably others) was doing this in his own self interest, probably because it made Justin â€Å"look good† to tag one of the bigger boys. This fits nicely into Kohlberg’s instrumental purpose orientation, in which behavior is reciprocal, but each participant acts in his own self interest with the assumption that the other will do the same (cited in Berk, 15 2000, p. 493). This provides insight into the perspective that bullies often take when defending their actions toward victims. Because the aggressive child attributes his/her actions to another’s behavior, he/she is likely to believe that the other child â€Å"brought it on himself.† The aggressor’s assumption is precluded by another assumption, a moral belief that may lead to a bullying dynamic: that the victim should know that the bully will behave in a way that will further his own interests, and therefore, the victim should take the appropriate measures to protect himself. Fortunately for everybody, the need for social status also encourages prosocial behavior, especially in children such as Justin, who are having difficulty with acceptance from the group. This was certainly the case with Justin. The next observation I made of Justin’s interaction with his playmates had a far more positive outcome. Either somebody had been teaching him the benefits of prosocial behavior, or he had simply figured out that it is more beneficial to act in a manner that keeps the game moving â€Å"forward.† This time, around the beginning of the game, Justin entered late, when the team member who had been tagged last was trying to choose a partner who would be â€Å"it.† Justin asked rather brightly if he could â€Å"help,† and the other boy said that he could. Mary, Bill and I all acknowledged his contribution. The need for acceptance, however, is not the only motivation for internalizing the rules. I believe that, above all else, the children like each other, and participate in the game with the understanding that everybody should be having a good time. These children had moved well beyond the stage of egocentric empathy described by Hoffman (1987), and well into the stage of having empathy for another’s feelings. Schaffer expands upon Hoffman’s theory by stating that â€Å"it is . . . when confronted by another person’s distress that a child’s prosocial tendencies become most evident† (Schaffer, 1996, p. 271). Most of the children whom I have come to view as more confident and popular seem to have internalized the rules of empathy and are able to put them into practice during the appropriate times, indicating that they have improved their social skills with their peers, not simply their ability to interact well with adults. For example, during this game it is very likely that children will fall, and, while it is not very likely that the child is hurt, most of the kids demonstrate concern for their fallen peer. After one particularly rough collision, the boy who stood up first immediately and sincerely asked the other boy if he had been hurt. Replying that he wasn’t, the other boy reciprocated by asking his friend if he had been hurt. This demonstration of prosocial skills exemplifies the awareness that is required for successful peer interaction. Conclusion As time went on, it seemed that more and more of the children were truly integrating the various codes set forth by the different situations in their lives. They began to develop a sense of empathy necessary to understand the purpose of boundaries, and they began to internalize the real rules of the game and understand how the restrictions of the game applied to their group function. This is partially due to the modulation provided by the adults. For example, I indirectly talked with the three girls about empathy, and Mary continually stressed the importance of â€Å"keeping the game going,† and, eventually, they began to demonstrate their new understanding in several ways. For instance, they tend to argue less now when they are caught breaking the rules. During the beginning stages of the game’s development, they would become very argumentative when they ran â€Å"out of bounds,† which serves as the equivalent of a â€Å"tag.† Often, they would blame the person who was chasing them for â€Å"making† them run out of bounds. Now, however, they are far more good-natured. When a player runs out of bounds now, I am often amused to witness the realization spread over his or her face. Usually, they grin and shake their heads, make a comment such as â€Å"Oh, man!† and go to their proper place as a â€Å"tagger.† This slight difference in reaction illustrates a more mature interpretation of the rules. Children who react in this manner have made a connection between their realm of understanding and the realm of the adults; they realize that the rules do not exist in order to restrict them as individuals, but to keep the game going and to help them to function more smoothly as a whole unit. The interaction itself also gave the children feedback on how to play the game. By acting, and observing the acceptable and unacceptable interactions of their peers, the children first internalized the socially acceptable ways of responding and, in turn, began to view the rules in the spirit in which they were intended, instead of interpreting them as â€Å"moral realism,† the outside edict of an adult with the power to punish (Piaget, 1932, cited in Singer & Revenson, 1996, p. 101). Mary has noted that the game proceeds far more smoothly now, and the children seem to facilitate decisions more quickly about who will be â€Å"it† at the end of the game, when there is usually some confusion. Arguments about whether somebody was tagged or not are usually less frequent now, which tells me that the children have begun to apply the rules as â€Å"something built up progressively and autonomously,† thus eliminating the â€Å"need to quarrel† (Singer & Revenson, 1996, p. 100). This increase in cooperation signifies the gradual emergence into the â€Å"codification of rules stage,† the final shift into an adult decision-making system based on the needs of the group and the individual. It seems that, while this integration of social codes is a natural occurrence, that the opportunity to negotiate and interact in a cooperative setting provided the greatest environment for the children to learn about the value of rules. When the rule came as a command to â€Å"get off the swings,† for instance it was simply an inconvenient imposition. Provided with an in-depth explanation of how their behavior might affect others, however, as well as the opportunity to improvise and test new styles of interaction, the children grew remarkably quickly. They are indeed eager to learn the system as quickly as possible, and absorb information rapidly. It seems that a host of factors, such as a wide variety of new situations, appropriate feedback, and positive reinforcement throughout development all contribute to a child’s development, allowing him/her to flourish a thoughtful, attentive, and adaptable adult. References Berk, Laura E. (2000). Child Development.Massachusetts: Allyn & Bacon. Schaffer, Rudolph H. (1999). Social Development. Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishers. Singer, Dorothy G., & Revenson, Tracy A. (1996). A Piaget Primer: How a Child Thinks. New York: Plume. Thelen, Esther. (1994). The improvising infant: Learning about learning to move. A dynamic systems approach to the development of cognition and action. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press/Bradford Books. Tan, S.L. (2001, April 25). Lecture, Kalamazoo College.

The Role Of Gender And Women s Roles - 845 Words

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